
.177 



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HOLLINGER 
pH8.5 

MILL RUN F3-1543 






LETTER 



OF 



HON. 


JAIKS 


crjo 




1 
OF TENNESSEE, 


6^- 


TO 





HIS CONSTITUENTS, 



ON 



POLITICAL PARTIES: HIS PAST COURSE AND 
FUTURE INTENTIONS. 



WASHINGTON: 
PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. 

1856. 



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A 



TO MY CONSTITUENTS. 



Washinqton, April 8, 1856. 

Regarding it the duty of a public servant to confer fully and freely 
with his constituents touching all matters of public interest, I address 
you this letter. This duty becomes the more necessary at this time, 
from the anomalous condition of political parties, and the necessity 
imposed upon me to respond to the inquiry so frequently addressed 
to me by my political friends, What shall we do — or rather, what do 
you intend to do in the present complicated state of things ? 

1 shall not so far forget the relation I sustain to you as to presume to 
dictate to you what you should or should not do. I can only suggest 
what seems to me to be the course proper to be pursued, and to 
declare what it is my purpose to do. 

In addressing this letter, 1 intend to embrace my entire constituency, 
without distinction of party or name, because I have neither the right 
nor the disposition to separate myself from the obligation under which 
I feel to be the representative of the entire people of the State. But 
frankness requires me to say, that the necessity which imposes upon 
me this present duty, grows mainly out of the interest manifested by 
that portion of my constituents with whom I iiave heretofore acted ; 
and by whose agency I was called to occupy the position I now 
hold, in knowing what course I shall pursue in the coming political 
contest. 



4 

It is my purpose to deal plainly and candidly with you ; yet, in the 
strange and unprecedented revolution of things, I can scarcely hope 
to find that community of sentiment and feeling existing between 
myself and the party with which 1 have heretofore acted, and to 
which I am indebted for all that I am as a public man, that has hitherto 
characterized our intercourse and guided our actions. Whilst this 
fear is a source of painful regret to me, yet, if I should, in the fast 
approaching end of my official connection with you, hesitate to 
speak plainly and honestly, I should not only prove myself unworthy 
of all the honors you have conferred upon me, but also secure to 
myself convictions of merited contempt. 

It is well known to you all that I have been, ever since my 
entrance into public life, a Whig of the old school, taking the patriot 
sage of Ashland as my political exemplar — the star by which I was wont 
to be guided. In looking back through the long vista of the past, and 
calling to my aid all the advantages which an increase of years and 
experience are presumed to bring, 1 find nothing to regret in the 
adoption of that political creed. It commanded my approval, and by 
that chart I was content to steer my bark, amidst the storms and 
breakers by which it was surrounded. 

The proclamation is being daily made by three prominent and 
leading parties of the country, " that the Whig party is dead." This 
annunciation may be grateful to those who make it, but it brings no 
pleasure to my heart. 1 believed in its principles, was ever ready to 
abide its fortunes ; in its prosperity and triumphs I rejoiced, in its 
misfortunes and defeats I wept. If others can march with rude and 
careless step over its remains, I, for one, must be excused from par- 
ticipating in any such strange unnatural vocation. I would rather 
bedew the sod under which it is said to repose, with tears of grateful 
memory. 

Whether this declaration, so exultingly made, be true or not, I 
shall not stop to inquire. It is enough (nay, more than enough for 
me) to know that this great paity, which once commanded the 
affections of its followers and challenged the respect of its enemies, 
if not now dead, has fallen from its high and proud estate, and is now 
in disorder and confusion. 

By what agency this result was produced — by whom this great 
wrong to the affections and sympathies of the living and the mem- 
ories of the illustrious dead was done — it is not necessary that I 



should iiKjuirc ; 1 only rcjoicti to know llial no siaiii of the blood (jf 
the victim is to be found on my garnn-nts. 

PubUc position always carries with it its responsibiblies, and the 
obligation of fidelity to those from whom we receive them is either 
expressed or implied. The position I now hold has brought its 
responsibilities, and I acknowledge its obligations. The questions 
submitted to mc daily, almost hourly — Why stand weeping over the 
grave of your buried political affections? — why not join the Anicrican 
or Democratic party ? — I am ready to answer ; — because 1 do not 
agree with either of them, and because the obligation I assumed in 
accepting the position I hold contemplated no such result. 

I was elected to the United States Senate as a Whig, connnitted 
to th« sujiport of Whig principles and Whig men, and 1 have ever 
felt myself hound, by every consideration of duty and honor, to vin- 
dicate and sustain them in my oflicial position. I have endeavored 
faithfully to redeem the pledge thus given, and I trust I shall be 
faithful to the end. Soon I shall return my commission to those 
from whom I received it, and I trust in God no stain of dishonor or 
unfaithfulness will attach to it. 

Thus much for the past. Let us turn lo the present and the 
future. 

With feelings such as 1 entertain, and have endeavored to present 
under ordinary circumstances, when no great public interest was at 
stake, I should be inclined to take no part in the contest, but would 
content myself with the quietude and retirement of private life. But. 
under the circumstances that surround us — amidst the dangers that 
threaten not only the peace and happiness of the country, but even 
the integrity of the Constitution and the stability of the Union — no 
patriot can feel indilTerent, no patriot has a right to fold his arms 
and refuse to do all he can to arrest such evils. 1 cannot be a silent 
or indifFerent spectator of scenes fraught with such momentous con- 
sequences to all that is held most dear to the lover of constitutional 
liberty. 

It cannot have escaped the observation of the most casual that a 
state of things exists at this time wholly unprecedented in the history 
of parties. Obtuse, indeed, must be the man who does not read, in 
the signs of the times, dangers most imminent to the perpetuity of 
the country. Circumstances seem to be combining together which, 
if not arrested, must eventually end in the overthrow of this fair fabric 



6 

of human liberty. To avert a calamity so full of all that is fearful, 
so full of an utter overthrow of all the hopes of the lovers of freedom 
throughout the world, the best energies of the wise, the good, and 
the patriotic, are invoked. 

In order fully to appreciate the difficulties and dangers that sur- 
round us, it is necessary to look at things as they are. And he who, 
through indifference or the bias of party prejudice, refuses to make 
this examination, betrays a disregard of his highest interests, that 
can find no palliation in the requirements of duty or patriotism. 

What is the condition of parties at this time, and what is likely to 
be the result of the approaching presidential election ? 

You may not have given to this important question much sejious 
consideration, and may not, therefore, have had your fears aroused. 
You may flatter yourselves that all is well — that there is no danger 
to be apprehended. If this be your condition, I would dispel the 
delusion which, if persisted in, I fear may prove fatal. In order to 
accomplish this, I beg your attention to a short statement of facts as 
they are now presented to the country. 

As before stated, there are now three prominent parties in the 
country, each of which, it is certain, will present their candidate for 
President and Vice President. The American party has already 
given us the names of their candidates. Soon, the Democratic and 
(so-called) Republican parties are to hold conventions to present the 
names of their candidates. With three candidates in the field is it 
at all certain that an election can be effected by the people ? There 
is no such certainty ; but there are many well-grounded fears that an 
election by the people will be defeated, and that the House of Rep- 
resentatives will be the tribunal before which this great question must 
be tried and decided. With the late protracted contest in that body 
for the election of Speaker, and its results before us, it cannot be that 
any sane man who desires to protect the rights of the South can wish, 
or would be willing, to see our rights submitted to such an arbitrament, 
or the permanency of the Union exposed to so severe a test. But, 
should an election obtain before the people, which of these parties is 
most likely to succeed ? In order to form something like a correct, 
enlightened judgment on this subject, it is proposed to inquire what 
is to be the nature of this contest? By what circumstances is it to 
be surrounded, and what questions are to be settled by it? May I 
ask what issues are to be involved in this contest ? Is it a bank, tariff, 



distribution of the proceeds of llic pid)lic lands, internal improvements, 
the acquisition of more territory ? Is it the annunciation of the Monroe 
doctrine, as proclaiming our foreign policy ? Is it any one, or all of 
these? No, not one of them all is sj)oken of as the issue upon which 
this great battle is to be fought. Indeed, important as some of these 
are, they seem scarcely to be thought of or cared for. The only issue 
of a practical, political, or legislative character, (as far as I under- 
stand it,) presented by the American party, is an amendment, or abro- 
gation of the naturalization law. That Americans shall nde America 
— that natives have rights superior to foreigners — are presented as 
arguments or adjuncts. 

I do not propose to debate this question. I will, however, say, 
that I should not object to a prudent, patriotic amendment of the 
naturalization laws. 

What is tendered by the falsely-styled Republican party, standing 
out in bold relief, emblazoned on their banners in glaring capitals, is 
opposition to slavery. This is presented in all the varied shapes and 
forms, suited to the tastes and caprices of all ; but at last all these 
principles concenter in the one idea of opposition to slavery, or the 
prostration of what they please to denominate the slave power. Some 
are, or say they would be, content with the repeal of the fugitive slave 
law ; others demand the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ; 
some, that the slave trade, as between the States, shall be interdicted 
that no more slave States shall be admitted into the Union ; others, 
that Congresss shall prohibit the introduction of slavery into the Ter- 
ritories — that slavery shall be abolished everywhere. 

But all these factions are to be harmonized ; all these shades of 
opinion are to be reconciled, and the battle is to be fought on the 
Kansas and Nebraska act ; this is to be probably the sole and only 
plank in their platform ; and they propose to accomplish their purposes 
by attacking us in detail, and, if they can succeed in carrying the 
outposts by attacking one of them at a time, then the citadel, which 
is slavery in the States, must soon capitulate. 'Tis thus they reason. 

What issue or issues the Democratic party will present, or whether 
they will be content simply to accept those tendered by the other 
parties, I am not advised. Only one thing in this connection is cer- 
tain, and that is, they cannot refuse to accept the issue presented by 
the Black Republican party ; they claim the paternity of the Kansas- 
Nebraska bill, and must, and will, I doubt not, defend it to the last. 



8 

In this brief review of the attitude of parties, it is obvious that 
the Abolition party — the opponents of slavery of every hue, shape, 
and complexion throughout the entire Union — are to be harmonized 
on the one idea and purpose of the repeal of the Kansas-Nebraska 
act, or the reestablishment of the prohibition of slavery in these 
Territories. This is what they call the MalakofF; if this falls, then 
a surrender on our part, and the taking of Sebastopol. It may be 
that they reckon without their host. 

Whatever may be said of the treason that guides and animates this 
party, we cannot withhold our admiration of the bold, manly, and 
defiant manner in which they proclaim their purposes, and challenge 
us to the conflict. Can we with safety or honoi; decline the invitation 
thus boldly given? In my judgment, we cannot. The issue is 
fairly made, and it must be met. There can be, ought to be, no 
evasion. Let us, then, in a corresponding spirit of promptness and 
boldness, meet them in the field they have selected ; and this we 
are constrained to do, unless we have made up our minds to capitu- 
late and surrender ourselves to these usurpers. If we are ready for 
this, then the battle is already fought, and our disgrace and degrada- 
tion are full and complete, and we are only fit to be slaves. I repeat 
— the issue is fairly made, boldly tendered, and must be met. The 
question, the great vital question of the equality of the States and 
their rights under the Constitution, are involved and must be main- 
tained, or the Union is dissolved. This question must be settled, this 
battle has to be fought sooner or later. 

Efforts have been made from time to time by the wise, the good, 
and the patriotic, to avert this necessity. Compromises, delays, and 
postponements have been resorted to, with what success let history 
teach. These patriotic efforts have served as narcotics — quieting the 
nerves, but not removing the disease — they have served to allay the 
angry and aggressive passions of the enemies of slavery for a season, 
and to lull the friends of the Constitution into the dream of a delusive 
security. Experience shows how impotent such efforts have been, 
and must ever be, to bring permanent repose to the country. 

We want no other compromises than such as the Constitution gives. 
For one, I shall be satisfied with nothing less. The temporizing 
expedients, however patriotically intended, have heretofore served 
only to enable the enemies of the South to recuperate their weakened 
energies and replenish their magazines, in order that they may return 



to the conflict with increased vigor and accumulated strengtli. The 
quiet it gives is only the cahn tliat precedes the storm. No consid- 
erate man can doubt hut that this (juestion — if we are to remain as 
one people — must be settled, and that speedily. We caimot postpone 
it long if we would, and ought not if we could. An evasive policy, a 
temporizing course, the administration of political nostrums, instead of 
soothing the fevered brain of fanaticism, seem hut to madden them 
and render their hatred of our institutions more violent and implacable. 

What has the South to gain by postponing this settlement ? Shall 
we be stronger next year than this, or will they be weaker then than 
now ? New States are soon to be added to the Conf(Kleracy. In a 
few years, six or eight more States may be expected to be admitted 
into the Union — most, if not all, of them free States — thus further 
diminishing the equilibrium between the free and slave States, increas- 
ing the power of the one, and consequently diminishing that of the 
other. 

I know the over-cautious and timid still insist upon a further post- 
ponement, saying, " Put off the evil hour as long as you can." Is 
there any safety in this? I seek to preserve this Union. There are 
no means compatible with justice and honor to which I would not 
resort to accomplish such a result ; and it is from a firm, inmiovable 
conviction that a determined, resolute purpose to have the question 
met and settled, now furnishes the best, if not the only hope of accom- 
plishing it, that I protest against any further evasion of the question, 
and counsel a bold, prompt, and manly acceptance of the issue ten- 
dered. 

1 have presented some reasons why we have nothing to gain by 
delay. All we get is increased strength on their part, coupled with 
arrogance, insult, or injury. Let me illustrate this position further. 
A proposition was made in the Senate in 1852 to repeal the fugitive 
slave law. This proposition received only four votes. Again the 
proposition was renewed in 1855, and it received nine votes; and I 
am informed by the most reliable authority that it can now command 
fifteen votes in that body ; and from the same reliable source I learn 
that a majority of the House of Representatives are in favor of a 
repeal of this law ; and if they do not pass an act repealing it in that 
body, it will not be because they have not the power and the will to 
do so, but because they doubt its expediency. What an alarming 
increase is here seen, and what a striking commentary on the policy 



10 

and wisdom of further postponement. A few years since there was 
in the House of Representatives a little squad of Abolitionists, so 
small in numbers, so insignificant in talent as to excite scarcely any 
othef feeling than that of pity or contempt. Now we see them able 
to elect a presiding officer — the third officer under the Government 
— one of the most uncompromising enemies of slavery anywhere to 
be found. 

Are we to gain nothing from expt^'ience ? Shall we shut our eyes 
and close our ears for fear we may hear the distant thunder or seethe 
flashing lightning that presages the gathering and coming storm? If 
we are not able to assert and maintain our rights now, when, tell me, 
when shall we be? 

To you, who have known me always, and before whom my ante- 
cedents are, 1 need not repeat protestations of my devotion to the 
Union ; but frankness compels me to say, unless this constant war 
of aggression, this incessant war of insult and injury, can be arrested, 
the preservation of this Union is a hopeless fancy — an idle delusion. 
x\nd you must allow me to say, with equal frankness and deep regret, 
that unless this war should cease — unless the rights secured to us by 
the Constitution shall be respected; unless our property can be 
secured from robbery and confiscation ; unless our honors and our 
feelings shall be respected ; unless we are permitted to hold our 
places in the Union on the terms of equality as prescribed by the 
Constitution — without degradation ; unless we can live together in 
peace and quiet, as did our fathers — if these things cannot be accorded 
to us, then the sooner we separate the better. We can never consent 
to retain these political relationships at the expense of honor or the 
surrender of our rights. To hold it, at such a price would cover us 
with a mantle of infamy ; and the spirits of our fathers would rise up 
in judgment to condemn the degeneracy of their sons. Can we lend 
ourselves to such prostitution ? Never, never, never I 

Some may suppose I have drawn this picture too strongly — that it 
is not so dark as I present it. Be not deceived. The secret pur- 
poses and machinations of your enemies are but merely sketched. 
The inquiry doubtless presents itself to your mind. Is there no escape 
from these apprehended evils ? Is there no way of arresting results so 
fearful, on which we seem to be driving with terrible and increasing 
velocity ? I hope there is ; and it is this hope that bids me warn 
you of the danger, in order that you may apply the remedy. 



11 

Our opponents will present one unbroken front. Already their 
ranks are being marshaled for the fray. All other dissensions are to 
be hushed. All discord is to be banished. All dilFerences of opinion 
are to be waived. They are to stand, as one man, on one isolated 
point, Down with slavery ! 

Successfully to meet and resist this united, combined efTort of our 
enemies, there nmst be a corresponding effort on our part. We must 
have the same union ; the same surrender of our prejudices ; the 
same waiver of opinion on matters of minor importance. We must 
stand together for the Constitution and the Union ; for in thi.^, and in 
this alone, is there safety. 

Appearances, I grant, are full of discouragement ; but, amidst all 
the surrounding gloom, there is a star of hope to cheer the heart of 
the patriot, bidding him " hope on, hope ever." I am opposed to any 
political geographical line. I deprecate all issues of a purely sectional 
character, and I despise all sectional parties ; and it is in order to 
crush out all such parties that I would exhort all national conservative, 
Constitution-abiding, Union-loving men, of all parties to unite together 
for the purpose of arresting the further progress of this party, seeking 
to advance its fortunes at the expense of the peace of the country, 
and the safety of the Union, by advocating a question purely and 
essentially sectional. I do not look to the South alone to accomplish 
this work. Unaided by the conservative men of the North, we are 
wholly inadequate to the task. If the entire people of the non-slave- 
holding States are to be regarded as inimical to our rights and institu- 
tions, then any further hope of pacification, any further struggle for 
harmony, and a recognition of our rights, is vain and useless. I am 
happy, however, to know that such is not the case. INIaiiy of the 
truest, boldest, and most fearless defenders of the constitutional rights 
of the South are to be found in the free States. I have seen them 
throw themselves in the breach, in defense of our rights, with a 
promptness, gallantry, and manliness that challenged the admiration, 
and might justly excite the emulation, of the most chivalrous son of 
the South. Many Whigs, Democrats, and Americans at the North 
are as loyal to the Constitution and all its guarantees as are the men 
of the South; and if all these conservatives would be united, (and 
why may they not ?) they, I doubt not, would constitute a majority 
in many of the free States. 

In this condition of things, why, I ask, should not the South, which 



12 

has so much at stake, and for the rights of which these gallant men 
of the North have contended so faithfully, abandon all its bickerings, 
petty strifes, and party prejudices, and stand together for the Consti- 
tution and the Union. Thus united in defense of a common interest, 
and in resistance to common wrongs, we might, with hope and 
confidence, appeal to the conservative men of the North to come to 
the rescue. Such an appeal I know would not be unavailing or 
unheeded. But, divided as we are, intestine war raging amongst us 
with wildest fury, with what sort of confidence can we ask our 
friends of the free States to lend us their aid? -The course being 
pursued by the South in this critical juncture of affairs is, in my 
judgment, the consummation of folly and madness. 

What is there in the creeds of the Democratic, American, or Whig 
party that can weigh for a moment in the scales against the integrity 
of the Union ? What question, cherished by either of them, that they 
are not ready to postpone or abandon, for the sake of the Union ? I 
ask no man to abandon his principles, but I do ask all men who 
love the Constitution to waive their opinions on minor and unim- 
portant questions, for the graver and more vital one, the preservation 
of the country. I am not a member of the American or Democratic 
parties, and, however much I may differ from them on some subjects, 
yet I am ready to unite with them in this great, and I hope last, 
struggle for the assertion and maintenance of our rights. If such an 
Union as this could be effected, the battle would have been already 
fought, the victory won, and the disturbers of peace, these enemies 
of the Constitution and the country, would be sent howling back to 
the dark and infernal dens from which they came. Can a consum- 
mation so devoutly to be wished for be effected ? I would to Heaven 
it could — but I confess, in this hour, so ruled by madness, I fear it 
cannot be done. If this hope, so ardently cherished, is doomed to 
disappointment, what then remains to be done? I speak not for 
others, but for myself. I seek to dictate to no one, for I am not 
willing that any shall dictate to me. 

I do not advise the running of a Whis candidate for the Presi- 
dency — we could not hope to succeed — it would only complicate 
our difficulties and increase the chances of the election of a Black 
Republican — to the accomplishment of such result I can never lend 
myself. 

Just here I hope I may be allowed one word of communion with 



13 

that little band who have stood fust by dieirguns — have never hauled 
down their colors amidst the general desolation that has swept over 
our once strong and always gallant party. It is to this little band, 
always fearless and faithful, that 1 would address a few words in the 
fullness of aft'ection. Though small in numbers, yet our responsibilities 
are great. Although we may not have any gallant captain of our own 
choosing, as was our fortune in other days, one whose voice was over 
heard above the battle's din, one whose white plume was ever seen 
waiving proudly in the thickest of the fight, cheering the hearts of his 
followers; though they only live in the holiest memories of our 
hearts, yet let us not forget — we will never forget — that we have 
a country. They may rob us of much, but our country remains to 
us. We will never surrender it except in death. It is for us to 
determine what duty requires at our hands, and when the path is once 
seen, I know you will tread it with firm, unfaltering step. Unable of 
ourselves to elect a candidate of our own choice, still the privilege 
remains to us to choose for ourselves among the candidates that may 
be presented to the country. 

Left, as 1 am, to decide for myself what I ought to do in view of 
all the difficulties that lie in my way, fully impressed with the respons- 
ibility that rests upon me, I have calmly surveyed the whole ground, 
and my judgment is deliberately formed. I shall stand where I an>, 
just as I am, and wait the coming of future developments. We have 
before us the names of the candidates of the American party and their 
principles. I shall wait and see who the Democratic party will pre- 
sent to us, and what principles they proclaim. When the candidates 
are all before us, I will cast my vote for that man and with that party 
which I think most likely to protect the Constitution, preserve the 
Union, and drive back the horde of northern vandals who seek to usurp 
our rights, and finally to possess themselves of the citadel of liberty. 
For the present I have but one political ambition, but one active, 
absorbing, political principle : ambitious to be an humble agent in 
preserving our rights, protecting our honors, and forever crushmg out 
and annihilating these disturbers of tiie peace, invaders of our rights, 
and traitors to the Constitution ; to be one of the humblest in the 
accomplishment of this, is all I ask— it would be glory enough for me. 
You may ask, are you going to join the American party ? 1 answer, 
no. Are you going to join the Democratic party ? Again 1 answer, no. 
I am going for the country. If I am satisfied that the American party 



14 

can best preserve the honor of the country, and protect our rights. 
however much I may deprecate their course, I shall vote with them. 
If I shall believe the Democrats best able to achieve these great ends, 
notwithstanding the many scars I bear on my person, received at their 
hands, they shall have my vote. 

This is my position. Let me see the men, and what they propose, 
I shall then judge for myself what duty requires me to do — take my 
position fearlessly, and stand by it faithfully. I have endeavored, 
thus briefly and candidly, to present to you my impressions of the 
dano-ers that threaten you. I have felt constrained to give you this 
warning ; it may be, as others have been, unheeded. If so, I shall regret 
it ; but I shall have the consciousness of having endeavored to dis- 
charge my duty. 

In view of all that has transpired, and is daily transpiring, the 
greatly increased and constantly increasing strength and arrogance of 
the Abolition party, all their better malignant denunciation of southern 
rit^hts and southern men, from the press, the hustings and the pulpit, 
in Congress and out of it; if, in view of all these things, all these 
facts and warnings, the South cannot be aroused to a sense of its 
dano-er, then I despair of anything breaking the fatal slumber in 
which they repose, until the bell from this Capitol shall toll the funeral 
knell of the Union. When this terrible sound shall arouse you from 
your long, fatal sleep, your waking will be too late. 

My task is done, my duty performed, the issue is in your hands; for 
myself, I have but little to hope for or expect, and thank God I have 
nothing to fear. 

JAMES C. JOJNES. 



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